EDITORIAL
A nation’s conscience has been shaken.
On a Wednesday afternoon in the heart of Old Dhaka, in front of the Sir Salimullah Medical College Hospital—commonly known as Mitford—something unthinkable happened. A man named Sohag was dragged out of the hospital premises by a group of attackers, stripped nearly naked, bloodied, and brutally murdered in front of hundreds of people—including members of the Ansar posted at a nearby security camp. The next day, CCTV footage of the incident went viral, igniting shock and outrage across the country. It showed one of the assailants slapping the victim, another jumping on his chest, and several others kicking his head. The final blow came when a large roadside stone was used repeatedly to smash his skull—until he stopped breathing.
This was not just a murder. It was a public execution carried out in the open, with bystanders helpless and security forces either indifferent or paralysed. It was a chilling reminder of an era many believed to be long gone—a time when public brutality served as a tool for control, terror, and silence. How such an atrocity could unfold in broad daylight, metres from a state-run medical institution, is a question that strikes at the very core of our nation’s morality and governance.
But the horror didn’t stop there. Within days, two more chilling murders surfaced. On Friday, former Jubo Dal leader Mahbubur Rahman Molla was gunned down and his tendons slit in front of his home in Khulna’s Daulatpur. Earlier, on March 2, another BNP youth leader, Suruj Gazi, was hacked to death in Barishal’s Kaunia housing area. These killings are not isolated incidents—they reflect a broader collapse in the rule of law.
Bangladesh-based human rights organisation Odhikar reports that at least eight people have been victims of extrajudicial killings between August 9 and September 30 last year, following the assumption of power by the interim government led by Dr Muhammad Yunus. Odhikar’s three-month report, based on field accounts and media reports, raises serious concerns about the human rights climate under the current administration.
Recent statistics released by the Police Headquarters further confirm what the public already senses. In January alone, 294 murders, 171 robberies, 105 kidnappings, 262 burglaries, 797 thefts, and 71 incidents of dacoity were recorded—figures significantly higher than those in the same month the previous year. These aren’t just numbers; they represent shattered families, broken communities, and a growing atmosphere of fear.
The brutal murder of Sohag was not just a killing—it was a public execution, witnessed in daylight as bystanders stood helpless and security forces failed to act. It evoked a bygone era of fear and repression, forcing urgent questions about the state's moral authority and capacity to govern.
What’s even more disturbing is the sense of helplessness that now permeates society. Many citizens believe the state has lost its ability—or willingness—to protect them. Law enforcement agencies appear disorganised and ineffective. Since the new caretaker government took over, critics argue, the police force has been plagued by internal reshuffles, confusion, and low morale. Rather than being addressed head-on, these issues have become excuses for inaction.
Compounding the crisis is the absence of a clear roadmap toward national elections. This lack of political clarity is adding to the anxiety. People are not only worried about their safety but are also uncertain about the future of the country. Without elected leadership and political legitimacy, the interim government will continue to struggle to inspire public confidence—no matter how many combing operations it launches.
On Wednesday, in response to the growing outcry, the interim government did announce a nationwide combing operation. Home Adviser Lieutenant General (Retd.) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury promised that all known criminals would be arrested and brought to justice. He assured the nation that those responsible for the Mitford killing would face exemplary punishment, and the case would be shifted to a Speedy Trial Tribunal.
But actions must match rhetoric. The people of Bangladesh are tired of press briefings and political posturing. They want justice—not just in the courtroom, but on the streets, in the form of safety, security, and accountability. They want assurance that such atrocities will never happen again. And above all, they want to see a government that takes decisive, visible action.
Law and order is not a luxury; it is the foundation of a functioning democracy. When citizens lose faith in their government’s ability to protect them, when murder becomes a public spectacle and police are spectators, the very fabric of the state begins to unravel. Bangladesh is dangerously close to such a tipping point.
To avoid further descent into lawlessness, the Home Ministry must act urgently and decisively. This includes restoring discipline within the police force, enhancing intelligence operations, and prioritising community-based policing strategies that foster cooperation and trust between law enforcement and the public. Furthermore, the government must launch an independent inquiry into the failures of law enforcement agencies at Mitford and elsewhere. Officers who failed to act—or enabled violence through inaction—must be held accountable.
However, this crisis goes beyond policing. The broader solution lies in restoring democracy. An unelected government can only do so much. It lacks the political capital, legitimacy, and mandate to carry out structural reforms. The people of Bangladesh deserve—and demand—a return to electoral politics. Without elections, public trust cannot be rebuilt. And without trust, no amount of policing will restore peace.
For over 15 years, Bangladesh has endured a regime marked by authoritarianism, corruption, and fear. The fascist politics of that era crushed opposition voices, manipulated institutions, and turned the police into an instrument of repression. The Mitford killing is not just a crime—it is a symptom of a deeper sickness that has festered for too long. The brutal murder of Sohag was not just a killing—it was a public execution, witnessed in daylight as bystanders stood helpless and security forces failed to act. It evoked a bygone era of fear and repression, forcing urgent questions about the state's moral authority and capacity to govern.
The interim government now faces a historic responsibility. It must demonstrate that Bangladesh has turned a page. That justice will no longer be selective. That no killer—regardless of political affiliation—will be spared. And most importantly, that elections will be held promptly, fairly, and inclusively.
The time for words is over. The time for real, uncompromising action is now. Let the Mitford murder be the last such horror. Let justice—not brutality—define this nation’s path forward.
Let the killers be punished. Let democracy and justice return.
Comments
EDITORIAL
A nation’s conscience has been shaken.
On a Wednesday afternoon in the heart of Old Dhaka, in front of the Sir Salimullah Medical College Hospital—commonly known as Mitford—something unthinkable happened. A man named Sohag was dragged out of the hospital premises by a group of attackers, stripped nearly naked, bloodied, and brutally murdered in front of hundreds of people—including members of the Ansar posted at a nearby security camp. The next day, CCTV footage of the incident went viral, igniting shock and outrage across the country. It showed one of the assailants slapping the victim, another jumping on his chest, and several others kicking his head. The final blow came when a large roadside stone was used repeatedly to smash his skull—until he stopped breathing.
This was not just a murder. It was a public execution carried out in the open, with bystanders helpless and security forces either indifferent or paralysed. It was a chilling reminder of an era many believed to be long gone—a time when public brutality served as a tool for control, terror, and silence. How such an atrocity could unfold in broad daylight, metres from a state-run medical institution, is a question that strikes at the very core of our nation’s morality and governance.
But the horror didn’t stop there. Within days, two more chilling murders surfaced. On Friday, former Jubo Dal leader Mahbubur Rahman Molla was gunned down and his tendons slit in front of his home in Khulna’s Daulatpur. Earlier, on March 2, another BNP youth leader, Suruj Gazi, was hacked to death in Barishal’s Kaunia housing area. These killings are not isolated incidents—they reflect a broader collapse in the rule of law.
Bangladesh-based human rights organisation Odhikar reports that at least eight people have been victims of extrajudicial killings between August 9 and September 30 last year, following the assumption of power by the interim government led by Dr Muhammad Yunus. Odhikar’s three-month report, based on field accounts and media reports, raises serious concerns about the human rights climate under the current administration.
Recent statistics released by the Police Headquarters further confirm what the public already senses. In January alone, 294 murders, 171 robberies, 105 kidnappings, 262 burglaries, 797 thefts, and 71 incidents of dacoity were recorded—figures significantly higher than those in the same month the previous year. These aren’t just numbers; they represent shattered families, broken communities, and a growing atmosphere of fear.
The brutal murder of Sohag was not just a killing—it was a public execution, witnessed in daylight as bystanders stood helpless and security forces failed to act. It evoked a bygone era of fear and repression, forcing urgent questions about the state's moral authority and capacity to govern.
What’s even more disturbing is the sense of helplessness that now permeates society. Many citizens believe the state has lost its ability—or willingness—to protect them. Law enforcement agencies appear disorganised and ineffective. Since the new caretaker government took over, critics argue, the police force has been plagued by internal reshuffles, confusion, and low morale. Rather than being addressed head-on, these issues have become excuses for inaction.
Compounding the crisis is the absence of a clear roadmap toward national elections. This lack of political clarity is adding to the anxiety. People are not only worried about their safety but are also uncertain about the future of the country. Without elected leadership and political legitimacy, the interim government will continue to struggle to inspire public confidence—no matter how many combing operations it launches.
On Wednesday, in response to the growing outcry, the interim government did announce a nationwide combing operation. Home Adviser Lieutenant General (Retd.) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury promised that all known criminals would be arrested and brought to justice. He assured the nation that those responsible for the Mitford killing would face exemplary punishment, and the case would be shifted to a Speedy Trial Tribunal.
But actions must match rhetoric. The people of Bangladesh are tired of press briefings and political posturing. They want justice—not just in the courtroom, but on the streets, in the form of safety, security, and accountability. They want assurance that such atrocities will never happen again. And above all, they want to see a government that takes decisive, visible action.
Law and order is not a luxury; it is the foundation of a functioning democracy. When citizens lose faith in their government’s ability to protect them, when murder becomes a public spectacle and police are spectators, the very fabric of the state begins to unravel. Bangladesh is dangerously close to such a tipping point.
To avoid further descent into lawlessness, the Home Ministry must act urgently and decisively. This includes restoring discipline within the police force, enhancing intelligence operations, and prioritising community-based policing strategies that foster cooperation and trust between law enforcement and the public. Furthermore, the government must launch an independent inquiry into the failures of law enforcement agencies at Mitford and elsewhere. Officers who failed to act—or enabled violence through inaction—must be held accountable.
However, this crisis goes beyond policing. The broader solution lies in restoring democracy. An unelected government can only do so much. It lacks the political capital, legitimacy, and mandate to carry out structural reforms. The people of Bangladesh deserve—and demand—a return to electoral politics. Without elections, public trust cannot be rebuilt. And without trust, no amount of policing will restore peace.
For over 15 years, Bangladesh has endured a regime marked by authoritarianism, corruption, and fear. The fascist politics of that era crushed opposition voices, manipulated institutions, and turned the police into an instrument of repression. The Mitford killing is not just a crime—it is a symptom of a deeper sickness that has festered for too long. The brutal murder of Sohag was not just a killing—it was a public execution, witnessed in daylight as bystanders stood helpless and security forces failed to act. It evoked a bygone era of fear and repression, forcing urgent questions about the state's moral authority and capacity to govern.
The interim government now faces a historic responsibility. It must demonstrate that Bangladesh has turned a page. That justice will no longer be selective. That no killer—regardless of political affiliation—will be spared. And most importantly, that elections will be held promptly, fairly, and inclusively.
The time for words is over. The time for real, uncompromising action is now. Let the Mitford murder be the last such horror. Let justice—not brutality—define this nation’s path forward.
Let the killers be punished. Let democracy and justice return.
Comments