Dhaka Polytechnic Institute students have left one of their residential halls to spend the night on the street after an earthquake and several aftershocks left them too scared to live in their dilapidated hall. Refusing to stay in their hall, students of Latif Hostel first descended on the street with beds to pass the night there, causing a series of events. The authorities soon issued an order asking students to evacuate four halls of the institute. Students have announced they will boycott classes and exams unless the authorities make emergency arrangements for their safe accommodation. The Education Engineering Department had announced in June a part of the Latif Hostel “risky”, recommending its renovation. The recommendation was never followed. “The hall built 70 to 80 years ago already had numerous cracks. Fresh cracks appeared after the Friday earthquake,” said Ramzan Ali, a resident student of the hostel. He said they came down on the street after 8pm. A team of inspectors from the EED had visited the hostel in the afternoon, reiterating their opinion of the building not being in good shape structurally. The institute’s Principal Sahela Parveen could not be reached over the phone for a comment. n a notice, the DPI ordered students of all four of its halls to evacuate. The notice also said the midterm exam and classes will remain suspended until further notice. “We found the building constructed 70 years ago vulnerable. Beams on the fourth floor of the building have cracks, while plaster came off of the roof in many places, baring reinforcing bars,” said SM Shafin Hasan, executive engineer, EED. The fourth floor had been declared risky in June, he said. A 5.7 magnitude earthquake struck Bangladesh on Friday morning, claiming 10 lives and causing widespread damage to infrastructure. Many buildings developed cracks across Bangladesh, while some buildings tilted. Described as the strongest in several decades, the quake originated within 33km of Dhaka, rattled the entire Bangladesh. The quake was followed by several aftershocks on Saturday. In many areas, including Badda and Bhatara, people were seen ready with packed bags at the main entrance to their apartment buildings to run for shelter if another shock comes. “We heard another earthquake was coming. We are ready to run at the right time,” said Sangita Saha, a resident of north Badda. Many people were accompanied by children, who were trying hard to keep their eyes open as the hands of the clock struck 11pm. A similar scene reportedly unfolded in Bhatara at night.

The United Nations has delivered a searing rebuke to Bangladesh: filmmaker, writer, and human rights defender Shahriar Kabir is being held in “arbitrary and unlawful” detention. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has called for his immediate release, slamming the government for a pattern of political persecution, legal violations, and inhumane treatment. Kabir, 74, a wheelchair user with multiple health conditions, was arrested shortly after midnight on 17 September 2024 by the Detective Branch. Officers from four police stations—Banani, Badda, Tejgaon, and Ramna—accompanied the team, but none informed him of the legal grounds for the arrest. He was told only that it related to a “murder case” and denied access to essential medicines and clothing. His family was left in the dark. Journalists seeking information were stonewalled. The UN panel called the arrest “warrantless, unjustified, and politically motivated,” noting that serious allegations like murder and attempted murder require probable cause—something the government failed to demonstrate. “Such arrests must remain the exception, not the rule,” the report stated. Kabir’s first court appearance at Dhaka Metropolitan Magistrate Court exposed him to further danger. Violent mobs threw objects and shouted abuse as he emerged in handcuffs. Though police provided a helmet and bulletproof vest, they failed to assist him in his wheelchair or ensure safe court access, dragging him up staircases despite metal implants in his leg. Inside the courthouse, mobs attacked him again, and senior lawyers could not reach him. No counsel was appointed, violating his right to legal assistance. The UN panel held the government responsible for failing to protect a detainee whose public stance against extremism made him a predictable target. Kabir faces nine murder-related cases, most tied to the July–August 2024 protests. In six cases, he was formally “shown arrested” while already in custody—a tactic the UN called a “long-standing bad practice” used to justify extended detention. Bail petitions citing his age, frail health, and lack of evidence were repeatedly rejected without meaningful assessment. Nearly a year after his arrest, no chargesheet had been filed. The panel concluded that Kabir’s detention stems from his peaceful exercise of civil and political rights. He is known for documentaries exposing extremist networks and for advocating justice for 1971 war crimes. Police allegedly pressured him to confess to blasphemy, and prosecutors linked his detention to a televised debate with a religious leader. The UN panel said Kabir was punished for his secular views, political opinions, and influence among younger activists. Medical neglect added another layer of abuse. Denied essential medicines, Kabir suffered a mini-stroke, kidney stones, chest infections, and severe pain from sleeping on cold floors. Requests for special care due to age and health were denied without explanation. The UN panel said this treatment violated international law, including the Nelson Mandela Rules on prisoner treatment. The Working Group documented repeated breaches of fair-trial rights: denial of counsel of choice, court appearances under unsafe conditions, intimidation of lawyers, lack of timely chargesheets, prolonged detention, and insufficient time to prepare a defence. Taken together, these violations rendered the process “arbitrary” under UN categories II, III, and V. Key findings: No legal basis for arrest or continued detention Charges are politically motivated and unsupported by evidence Mob violence compromised fair-trial rights Medical neglect amounts to “inhuman and degrading treatment” Detention silences secular and human rights advocacy The UN panel urged Bangladesh to release Kabir immediately, provide compensation, investigate the violations, hold officials accountable, and reform laws to meet international standards. Who is Shahriar Kabir? Kabir is a Bangla Academy Award-winning writer, filmmaker, journalist, and children’s author. He led the Ekattorer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee as president after Jahanara Imam’s death in 1994 and later chaired its advisory board. He worked at Bichitra magazine, eventually becoming executive editor, and served as general secretary of the Bangladesh Lekhak Shibir (Writers’ Camp) from 1976 to 1980. Kabir’s detention highlights the perilous state of freedom of expression in Bangladesh. The UN’s ruling is a stark warning: dissent, secular advocacy, and human rights activism cannot be silenced through arbitrary imprisonment. As the world watches, the question remains: will Bangladesh act on the UN’s demand, or continue to allow political persecution to override the rule of law?

When the Arakan Army wrested what it called “absolute control” of Rakhine State from Myanmar’s military junta, a measure of quiet had briefly settled across the Bangladesh–Myanmar border. But the calm has vanished. Fresh fighting on the other side has stirred a new wave of anxiety among residents of Ukhiya and Teknaf. From across the Naf River, roughly 2.5km away, stray bullets and ammunition have begun flying into Bangladeshi villages in Teknaf’s Whykong Union. On Oct 25, a bullet hit and injured Chhenuara Begum from Techchhibridge. That day, another round tore into a nearby shop. The next morning, a shot pierced the tin roof of Ayub Islam’s house in Amtali village. The question many now ask: if Myanmar’s military has retreated, who exactly is fighting the Arakan Army? In Ukhiya’s Rohingya Camp No. 3, community leader Md Siddique said: “Friends and relatives in Shahabbazar, Kwanchiprong and nearby areas are telling us there is intense fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). I’ve heard several fighters on both sides have been killed. “Some Rohingyas in the camp have also been injured by the clashes. We heard about a group of around 17 people -- some were killed, some remain missing.” Displaced Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh, relying on relatives in Maungdaw and Buthidaung, say both the junta forces and ARSA–RSO fighters are battling the Arakan Army. The military wants to recapture the bases it lost. Rohingya groups say they want a path back to their homeland. The result is predictable: the entire 217km Bangladesh–Myanmar border has become a zone of fear. Mine blasts, stray gunfire, fishermen captured at sea, Rohingyas fleeing in panic, and injured fighters slipping into Bangladesh for medical care -- these have become near-routine events. Public representatives and security officials rarely discuss these matters openly. But international media continue to report on Myanmar’s spiral of violence, detailing both the Arakan Army’s operations and the worsening security landscape in Rakhine. ‘SUCCESSFUL’ PAST, HINTS OF ‘INACTIVITY’ In 2024, Myanmar’s armed resistance groups had secured remarkable battlefield victories against the junta. The Arakan Army’s “Rakhine triumph” was a key part of that wave. The BBC notes that the “Three Brotherhood Alliance” -- comprising the Arakan Army, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) -- had pushed the junta out of vast stretches of territory. A combination of global geopolitical shifts, the flow of heavy weapons, greater unity among resistance groups and shared access to arms helped force the junta out of numerous strategic trading routes and military bases. Riding that momentum, the Arakan Army seized 14 of Rakhine’s 17 administrative zones in a surprisingly short span. But a year later, the tide is shifting. The Myanmar military has begun reasserting control over Shan and Kachin states. Resistance forces have been driven back. The MNDAA has recently agreed to halt its war against the junta. In the eyes of analysts tracking the conflict, the sweeping victories of last year have given way to a phase of “stagnation”. They emphasise that while the Arakan Army has not collapsed like some groups in Shan or Kachin, it is under sharp pressure. ARSA and RSO attacks are complicating its grip over bases and its attempts to restore order in Rakhine. A few weeks earlier, Arakan Army chief Tun Myat Naing accused “Bangladeshi officials” of aiding ARSA and RSO assaults. The Border Guard Bangladesh has dismissed the claim as “misleading”. The BGB reiterated that the ARSA and RSO are always viewed as a threat to border stability. It said, “In northern Maungdaw, prolonged fighting has plunged the Arakan Army into a deep crisis. Involvement in the drug trade, disputes over loot-sharing, plummeting morale and severe mental fatigue have led many fighters to desert.” WAR, GUNFIRE, FEAR Amid such turbulence, both ARSA and RSO appear to have stepped up their offensives. Border residents say bursts of heavy gunfire echo almost nightly from inside Myanmar, punctuated at times by powerful explosions. In Rahmater Beel, Dhamankhali, Thaingkhali, Balukhali and the western Tumbro-para in Naikhongchhari, gunfire has triggered deep public fear. Komoruddin Mukul, a teacher in Thaingkhali, said: “At night, we heard intense gunfire. It felt like a major battle was raging on the other side. I’ve never heard anything like it.” A Rohingya camp leader reported ongoing clashes between ARSA and the Arakan Army in Dekubonia, located across the border in Maungdaw district. Palongkhali Union Parishad Chairman and Rohingya Repatriation Committee Member-Secretary M Gofur Uddin Chowdhury said: “Gunfire and explosions occur frequently across the border. Just a kilometre away lies the massive Rohingya camp. Among them are the locals like us, trapped in extreme uncertainty. “Shells frequently fall into our villages. Gunfire at night spreads terror. Border security is now genuinely under threat.” He added, “This conflict may be Myanmar’s internal matter, but its consequences fall directly on us living in Bangladesh’s border region.” In Bandarban’s Alikadam Upazila, however, Kurukpata Union chairman Kraptung Mro described a brief lull: “For a week, we haven’t heard gunfire along the border. Earlier, shots were common every few days.” He added that last year alone, between 8,000 and 10,000 Rohingya people crossed through the Poamuhuri frontier into Bangladesh and dispersed across Alikadam. “Middlemen move them for money. Many of these agents were involved in cattle smuggling two or three years ago. They know the hills and all the crossing points.” According to Kraptung, “At different times, when Rohingya people crossed into Bangladesh, BGB personnel pushed them back. But even then, agents guided them through hidden routes to various places.”