A stitch in time saves nine; a little neglect may breed great mischief. Critics argue that the interim government led by Dr Mohammad Yunus is showing signs of inefficiency and potentially creating space for authoritarian forces to resurface.

Recent events have amplified these concerns. On Sunday, political leaders were attacked in the city’s Bijoynagar, the same area where law enforcement had brutally assaulted VP Noor just two days earlier. Earlier, tensions escalated in Shahbagh with clashes involving BSC engineers and attacks on the Secretariat building, exposing a growing incapacity to maintain law and order.

University campuses, once the pride of the July Movement that toppled Sheikh Hasina, are now simmering with tension as divisions over key reforms deepen, just as the interim government prepares to circulate the final draft of the July Charter.

These political fractures are reflected on campuses, where clashes erupt not only between student groups but also between students and local residents who, only months ago, had stood united during the uprising. It was these very students and citizens who had invited Nobel laureate Dr Yunus to lead the interim government, placing reform at the heart of his agenda.

Months later, amid deteriorating law and order, competing demands from professionals in the streets, and violent confrontations such as the attacks on VP Noor and clashes between BSC engineers and police, doubts are growing over whether the interim government is fully equipped to lead.

The fragility of the situation was starkly illustrated at Dhaka University on Monday, when the High Court abruptly suspended the upcoming DUCSU election. Campaigns were halted as candidates and students abandoned rallies to protest, demanding that the polls proceed. Within an hour, however, the chamber court overturned the order, clearing the way for a September 9 vote — at least temporarily.

The brief reprieve eased tensions but left uncertainty lingering. The unrest is not limited to Dhaka.

At Bangladesh Agricultural University, students defied an eviction order after outsiders attacked them, leaving at least ten injured, including journalists. They rallied around a six-point charter demanding a public apology from the vice-chancellor, resignation of the proctorial body, punishment for those responsible, and restoration of hall facilities.

Threats of a campus-wide lockdown highlighted their determination. Male students led the initial protests, later joined by female peers, while university and district authorities traded blame, revealing clear leadership gaps.

Chittagong University has been similarly affected. Two students are on life support and another transferred to Dhaka after clashes with villagers, while more than 400 others received treatment in hospitals. The scale of injuries shows how quickly disorder is spreading beyond political protest into violent confrontation at the community level.

The unrest on campuses coincides with growing anxiety over the February election. Rumours suggest that Sheikh Hasina is plotting a return with backing from powerful business interests. BNP, Jamaat and NCP leaders claim recent attacks and demonstrations are part of a broader effort to destabilise Dr Yunus and derail the polls.

However, Interim government advisers remain publicly confident. Law Adviser Dr Asif Nazrul insisted the elections will be held on schedule, describing the instability as a natural symptom of a post-revolutionary transition. Home Adviser Lt Gen (Rtd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury similarly emphasised that the government’s core mission is to transfer power through a free and fair vote.

Yet sceptics remain unconvinced. Memories of the failed 1/11 caretaker government loom large.

More than a year into the Yunus administration, political parties have yet to reach consensus on key reforms. Development projects remain stalled, city services are deteriorating, roads are congested, and government offices are paralysed by inefficiency.

Many citizens see advisers consumed with crisis management rather than governance. “People’s confidence is eroding day by day,” warned a university professor who participated in the July Movement. “That erosion could allow the ousted Awami League to stage a comeback before the next election.”

Despite the ban on its activities, Awami League supporters remain visible. On Sunday, a brief flash procession in Dhanmondi demanded the withdrawal of cases against Sheikh Hasina and the interim government’s resignation. The week before, several hundred had rallied at the south gate of Baitul Mukarram Mosque, signalling that the party is testing the government’s vulnerabilities.

The metaphor of a fish out of water seems apt. Born of popular hope, the interim government now appears to be floundering in circumstances for which it may not be fully prepared. Reform requires political consensus, but parties remain divided. Governance demands authority, yet advisers appear overstretched. Public trust requires delivery, yet the state is paralysed. Without swift compromise and credible elections, campus and street unrest may converge into a wider breakdown.

The pressing question for Bangladesh is no longer whether reforms are desirable but whether the interim government has the capacity to deliver them. Unless political consensus is forged and public confidence restored, the forces that once ousted Sheikh Hasina could undermine the very government intended to replace her.

The warning is clear: either Dr Yunus and his colleagues adapt and lead decisively, or the nation risks sliding into another political crisis.