History often has a way of circling back, changing only its cast of characters while the plot remains familiar. That sense of déjà vu is palpable in South Asia this week as Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Senator Ishaq Dar, touched down in Dhaka on Saturday for a two-day official visit at the invitation of Bangladesh’s interim government.
His arrival has sparked renewed debate over the region’s shifting geopolitics and the extent to which Bangladesh is willing to recalibrate its foreign policy at a time when old rivalries are once again reshaping the subcontinent. For India, the fear is less about economic cooperation and more about geopolitical encirclement. A Dhaka willing to play host to Pakistani and Chinese officials risks upsetting the regional balance that New Delhi has carefully nurtured since 1971.
Dar landed at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport aboard a special flight and was received by senior Bangladeshi officials alongside Pakistan’s envoy to Dhaka. He is expected to meet Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, Foreign Affairs Adviser Touhid Hossain, BNP Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia and leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh — the latter already drawing scrutiny from Indian media, which frames the visit as part of Islamabad’s effort to re-enter Dhaka’s political theatre.
Six agreements and memoranda of understanding, covering trade, cultural exchange, media cooperation and diplomatic facilitation, are expected to be signed during his stay.
The significance of this trip is underscored by its timing. Dar is the first Pakistani foreign minister to visit Dhaka since Hina Rabbani Khar in 2012. His visit comes against the backdrop of Pakistan’s own turbulent ties with India, still reeling from May’s four-day conflict sparked by New Delhi’s Operation Sindoor in response to a Kashmir terror attack.
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In February war, the Pakistani military said that it shot down two Indian planes, the latest development in escalating aggression in the disputed territory of Kashmir. Photo: Collected
It also comes as Bangladesh, under its interim government, is seeking to break from the rigid pro-India alignment that defined the Sheikh Hasina years. The ousted Awami League leader, long accused of bending Dhaka’s foreign policy towards New Delhi, fled into Indian exile last August after a popular uprising toppled her government.
Since then, relations between Bangladesh and India have cooled markedly, with Dhaka accusing New Delhi of sheltering Hasina and meddling in its domestic politics — allegations India denies but cannot easily shake off.
That estrangement has opened space for others. Pakistan has seized the opportunity with vigour, following up April’s foreign secretary-level talks with a ministerial visit and a flurry of diplomatic exchanges. Commerce Minister Jam Kamal Khan was in Dhaka only days before Dar’s arrival, underlining Islamabad’s renewed appetite for engagement.
Trade links are slowly being revived after decades of dormancy: direct shipments between Karachi and Chittagong resumed late last year, government-to-government rice exports began in February, and defence officials have even spoken of “enduring partnership” despite the painful legacy of 1971.
For many Bangladeshis, however, memories of that bloody separation remain unresolved.
Professor Yunus, who has signalled his willingness to “settle outstanding issues” with Islamabad, walks a delicate tightrope between acknowledging history and pragmatically pursuing the future. His outreach to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in December and March, both in person and by phone, has already set the stage for today’s thaw.
Yet the trauma of the Liberation War and the atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army remain raw in Bangladesh’s national consciousness, and critics warn against moving too fast without accountability.
India, unsurprisingly, is watching developments with unease. Its media has framed Dar’s visit as a strategic gambit that risks undermining New Delhi’s historic role in Bangladesh’s independence. Outlets such as WION and NDTV have highlighted Jamaat-e-Islami’s involvement and drawn attention to the possibility of Dhaka drifting into Pakistan’s — and by extension China’s — orbit.
Critics of India within Bangladesh argue that such anxieties expose New Delhi’s hegemonic tendencies.
India’s unilateral water management of transboundary rivers, its lopsided trade balance with Bangladesh, and its cultural dominance through Bollywood and media influence are often cited as evidence of a relationship tilted disproportionately in India’s favour.
The student-led uprising of 2024, which ousted Hasina’s government, was itself cast domestically as a “second liberation” from an Indian-backed order. Against that backdrop, Dhaka’s willingness to diversify its foreign ties can be seen less as betrayal and more as an assertion of sovereignty.
China’s role adds further complexity. Professor Yunus was received with red-carpet honours in Beijing earlier this year, where promises of military and infrastructural cooperation were floated. If Pakistan now cements its own revival of ties, Dhaka will find itself increasingly aligned with India’s two principal regional rivals.
For a country that once depended on India as its closest ally, this marks a profound reorientation — one that reflects not only historical grievances but also the shifting dynamics of twenty-first century geopolitics.
Still, history is never so easily discarded. Dar’s visit inevitably evokes memories of 1971, when India intervened decisively in the Liberation War and helped birth Bangladesh as an independent state. At the height of the conflict, ten million refugees fled into Indian territory, placing immense strain on its resources and compelling New Delhi to act. Those scars remain etched on both sides of the border.
India sees itself as Bangladesh’s liberator, while many in Dhaka recall not just the solidarity but also the subsequent dominance. Whether today’s rapprochement with Pakistan represents a pragmatic reset or a dangerous recycling of old alignments is the question gripping policymakers and analysts alike.
For now, Dhaka’s message is one of pragmatism. “We are trying to establish a normal relationship with Pakistan, focusing on trade, investment and facilitating people’s movement,” said Touhid Hossain, Foreign Affairs Adviser to the interim government. But he also stressed that three unresolved issues — which include 1971-related grievances — remain firmly on the table. That balance of reconciliation and reservation reflects Bangladesh’s attempt to navigate an increasingly multipolar region while guarding its sovereignty.
As the Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister moves between state guest houses and opposition leaders’ residences in Dhaka, the symbolism of his visit looms large. For some, it represents the closing of a painful chapter and the opening of a pragmatic new one. For others, it risks erasing history too quickly in pursuit of expediency.
Either way, the cycle of history in South Asia appears to be spinning once again — and Bangladesh, as always, finds itself at the centre of the storm.
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History often has a way of circling back, changing only its cast of characters while the plot remains familiar. That sense of déjà vu is palpable in South Asia this week as Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Senator Ishaq Dar, touched down in Dhaka on Saturday for a two-day official visit at the invitation of Bangladesh’s interim government.
His arrival has sparked renewed debate over the region’s shifting geopolitics and the extent to which Bangladesh is willing to recalibrate its foreign policy at a time when old rivalries are once again reshaping the subcontinent. For India, the fear is less about economic cooperation and more about geopolitical encirclement. A Dhaka willing to play host to Pakistani and Chinese officials risks upsetting the regional balance that New Delhi has carefully nurtured since 1971.
Dar landed at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport aboard a special flight and was received by senior Bangladeshi officials alongside Pakistan’s envoy to Dhaka. He is expected to meet Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, Foreign Affairs Adviser Touhid Hossain, BNP Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia and leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh — the latter already drawing scrutiny from Indian media, which frames the visit as part of Islamabad’s effort to re-enter Dhaka’s political theatre.
Six agreements and memoranda of understanding, covering trade, cultural exchange, media cooperation and diplomatic facilitation, are expected to be signed during his stay.
The significance of this trip is underscored by its timing. Dar is the first Pakistani foreign minister to visit Dhaka since Hina Rabbani Khar in 2012. His visit comes against the backdrop of Pakistan’s own turbulent ties with India, still reeling from May’s four-day conflict sparked by New Delhi’s Operation Sindoor in response to a Kashmir terror attack.
II
In February war, the Pakistani military said that it shot down two Indian planes, the latest development in escalating aggression in the disputed territory of Kashmir. Photo: Collected
It also comes as Bangladesh, under its interim government, is seeking to break from the rigid pro-India alignment that defined the Sheikh Hasina years. The ousted Awami League leader, long accused of bending Dhaka’s foreign policy towards New Delhi, fled into Indian exile last August after a popular uprising toppled her government.
Since then, relations between Bangladesh and India have cooled markedly, with Dhaka accusing New Delhi of sheltering Hasina and meddling in its domestic politics — allegations India denies but cannot easily shake off.
That estrangement has opened space for others. Pakistan has seized the opportunity with vigour, following up April’s foreign secretary-level talks with a ministerial visit and a flurry of diplomatic exchanges. Commerce Minister Jam Kamal Khan was in Dhaka only days before Dar’s arrival, underlining Islamabad’s renewed appetite for engagement.
Trade links are slowly being revived after decades of dormancy: direct shipments between Karachi and Chittagong resumed late last year, government-to-government rice exports began in February, and defence officials have even spoken of “enduring partnership” despite the painful legacy of 1971.
For many Bangladeshis, however, memories of that bloody separation remain unresolved.
Professor Yunus, who has signalled his willingness to “settle outstanding issues” with Islamabad, walks a delicate tightrope between acknowledging history and pragmatically pursuing the future. His outreach to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in December and March, both in person and by phone, has already set the stage for today’s thaw.
Yet the trauma of the Liberation War and the atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army remain raw in Bangladesh’s national consciousness, and critics warn against moving too fast without accountability.
India, unsurprisingly, is watching developments with unease. Its media has framed Dar’s visit as a strategic gambit that risks undermining New Delhi’s historic role in Bangladesh’s independence. Outlets such as WION and NDTV have highlighted Jamaat-e-Islami’s involvement and drawn attention to the possibility of Dhaka drifting into Pakistan’s — and by extension China’s — orbit.
Critics of India within Bangladesh argue that such anxieties expose New Delhi’s hegemonic tendencies.
India’s unilateral water management of transboundary rivers, its lopsided trade balance with Bangladesh, and its cultural dominance through Bollywood and media influence are often cited as evidence of a relationship tilted disproportionately in India’s favour.
The student-led uprising of 2024, which ousted Hasina’s government, was itself cast domestically as a “second liberation” from an Indian-backed order. Against that backdrop, Dhaka’s willingness to diversify its foreign ties can be seen less as betrayal and more as an assertion of sovereignty.
China’s role adds further complexity. Professor Yunus was received with red-carpet honours in Beijing earlier this year, where promises of military and infrastructural cooperation were floated. If Pakistan now cements its own revival of ties, Dhaka will find itself increasingly aligned with India’s two principal regional rivals.
For a country that once depended on India as its closest ally, this marks a profound reorientation — one that reflects not only historical grievances but also the shifting dynamics of twenty-first century geopolitics.
Still, history is never so easily discarded. Dar’s visit inevitably evokes memories of 1971, when India intervened decisively in the Liberation War and helped birth Bangladesh as an independent state. At the height of the conflict, ten million refugees fled into Indian territory, placing immense strain on its resources and compelling New Delhi to act. Those scars remain etched on both sides of the border.
India sees itself as Bangladesh’s liberator, while many in Dhaka recall not just the solidarity but also the subsequent dominance. Whether today’s rapprochement with Pakistan represents a pragmatic reset or a dangerous recycling of old alignments is the question gripping policymakers and analysts alike.
For now, Dhaka’s message is one of pragmatism. “We are trying to establish a normal relationship with Pakistan, focusing on trade, investment and facilitating people’s movement,” said Touhid Hossain, Foreign Affairs Adviser to the interim government. But he also stressed that three unresolved issues — which include 1971-related grievances — remain firmly on the table. That balance of reconciliation and reservation reflects Bangladesh’s attempt to navigate an increasingly multipolar region while guarding its sovereignty.
As the Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister moves between state guest houses and opposition leaders’ residences in Dhaka, the symbolism of his visit looms large. For some, it represents the closing of a painful chapter and the opening of a pragmatic new one. For others, it risks erasing history too quickly in pursuit of expediency.
Either way, the cycle of history in South Asia appears to be spinning once again — and Bangladesh, as always, finds itself at the centre of the storm.
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