A massive wave of youth-led uprisings against corruption, nepotism and misrule is transforming the political landscape of South Asia, in what many analysts view as a regional echo of the Arab Spring. The chain of upheavals began in Sri Lanka, moved to Bangladesh, and has now shaken Nepal, with each movement sweeping aside governments long seen as untouchable.

The first wave of public anger struck Sri Lanka in 2022, forcing the president to flee and ending the Rajapaksa family’s dominance. Two years later, a mass movement in Bangladesh toppled Sheikh Hasina’s government. On Monday, Nepal became the latest flashpoint, as furious crowds forced Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to resign within a day of violent protests.

Each uprising began with a focused grievance but quickly swelled into a wider rejection of the political elite. In Bangladesh, it started with the quota reform movement in early June 2024, spearheaded by Students Against Discrimination. The campaign escalated into a nationwide uprising after security forces opened fire on demonstrators, resulting in the July Massacre that left over 1,400 people dead. Amnesty International condemned the government’s “heavy-handed response” and called for an immediate end to repression.

These movements share a common thread: deep disillusionment with a ruling class accused of corruption, cronyism and incompetence, as well as anger at widening inequality and economic hardship. They are largely youth-driven and have frequently tipped into deadly violence, leaving behind political vacuums often filled by unelected interim leaders, alongside worsening law and order.

Paul Staniland, professor of political science at the University of Chicago, argues that “a perception of ruling elites as being both corrupt and ineffective at delivering a plausible path forward has created a structural basis for major crises.”

In Nepal, years of simmering discontent were ignited by the government’s sudden ban on major social media platforms. Protesters accused the political elite of enjoying a lavish lifestyle while ordinary citizens struggled with inflation, unemployment and graft. At least 51 people have been killed in the latest unrest, including 21 protesters and three policemen. More than 13,000 prisoners escaped during the chaos, with many still at large and some attempting to flee across the border into India.

The protests, which saw parliament, the presidential residence and ministers’ homes torched, prompted Oli to reverse the social media ban before stepping down. The army imposed a curfew, took control of the streets, and opened talks with protest leaders, the president and potential interim figures.

On Friday, President Ram Chandra Poudel appointed former Chief Justice Sushila Karki as interim prime minister, making her Nepal’s first woman to hold the post. Karki, known for her integrity and her tenure as Nepal’s only female chief justice from 2016–17, was scheduled to be sworn in later that day. Her appointment followed days of negotiations aimed at restoring order and laying the groundwork for elections.

Despite this breakthrough, many Nepalis fear that familiar faces from the political establishment will simply re-emerge in new roles. Since the adoption of the 2015 constitution, prime ministers have rarely lasted more than a year or two, and the country remains chronically unstable.

The regional parallels are striking. Those in Nepal seeking guidance may find little comfort in the experiences of Bangladesh or Sri Lanka. In Bangladesh, student protests over job quotas snowballed into the July Revolution, which ended Sheikh Hasina’s 16-year rule. She fled to India, and an interim administration headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was installed, promising reforms and elections. A year later, instability persists, with parties locked in disputes over poll dates, political violence resurging, and minorities facing heightened threats from hard-line groups.

Sri Lanka’s uprising in 2022 similarly ousted the Rajapaksas, leading to Ranil Wickremesinghe assuming power and, later, the election of Marxist leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake as president. Despite promises to root out corruption and improve living standards, ordinary Sri Lankans still face economic hardship, human rights concerns and the effects of a crushing debt crisis. “There is no sign of the ideals of change desired by the protesters,” observed Colombo-based analyst Veeragathy Thanabalasingham.

Elsewhere in the region, discontent continues to brew. In Indonesia, protests over lawmakers’ perks and living costs recently forced a cabinet reshuffle, leaving at least seven dead. Myanmar, meanwhile, remains mired in civil war since the 2021 military coup that ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government.

Staniland warns that while most protest movements do not produce such dramatic results, “the kindling is there for miscalculations and unexpected events to spiral.” He adds: “Nepal may represent the new politics of instability in South Asia.”

The July Revolution in Bangladesh remains a defining moment for the region. It began as a protest against the reinstatement of a 30% quota for descendants of freedom fighters in government jobs — widely seen as discriminatory — and evolved into a nationwide call for change.

The government’s brutal crackdown, including the use of police and ruling party youth wings, left hundreds dead. Hasina resigned on 5 August 2024, fled the country, and an interim government was formed. Whether this will ultimately be remembered as a coup or a pro-democracy uprising remains contested, but it has intensified debate about the future of governance in South Asia.

For now, Gen-Z is no longer merely protesting. It is actively shaping the political order of South Asia — but whether this results in more accountable and democratic governments, or simply entrenches cycles of instability, remains an open question.