Saturday, 13 September, 2025
The current DUCSU election is making headlines. Reports indicate that leaders and activists of Islami Chhatra Shibir held victory processions after their candidates reportedly secured a substantial early lead.
Leaders and activists of the Islami Chhatra Shibir have held a victory procession amid news that their organisation's candidates are out to a massive early lead in the top positions of the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) elections. A procession set off from Teacher-Student Centre at 2:45am on Tuesday while another was also held in Shahbagh. As of 3am, the candidates backed by Jamaat-e-Islami’s student wing led their opponents by a massive margin in the polls.
Meanwhile, the Chhatra Dal vice president candidate, Abidul Islam Khan, rejected the results, alleging ballot manipulation. Such disputes underscore the intensity and high stakes of student politics, even if their direct impact on national politics remains limited. In a Facebook post at around 2:30am on Wednesday, Abidul wrote: “I predicted the pre-planned rigging of these results just after noon. Use whatever numbers you like. I reject this orchestrated farce.”
On Tuesday night, he had already raised allegations of voting fraud, claiming: “The boxes of ballots that were said to be empty were later found to be full during counting. The fraud in this election surpasses even [Shikeh] Hasina’s.” Political observers note that the controversies and ensuing blame game in the DUCSU polls mirror the broader dynamics and confrontational nature of the country’s national political landscape.
DUCSU vice-president candidate Umama Fatema has announced her boycott of the election, citing allegations of widespread fraud. In a Facebook post at 3:30am on Tuesday, she wrote: “Boycott! Boycott! I boycott the DUCSU. This is a completely shameless, rigged election.” Umama, a prominent leader of Students Against Discrimination during the July Uprising, added: “The DU administration has brought shame to the nation since 5 August. It is an administration nurtured by Shibir.”
The Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU) election has long been regarded as a political laboratory where the country’s future leaders first cut their teeth. Yet, history raises a pertinent question: does the result of this highly anticipated student poll genuinely influence Bangladesh’s national political landscape, or is its impact largely symbolic?
Past records suggest the connection between DUCSU victories and national electoral outcomes is, at best, tenuous. Mahmudur Rahman Manna, elected DUCSU Vice President in 1983, emerged as a prominent political figure but aligned with smaller platforms that never commanded significant sway in parliamentary elections.
Other former VPs, despite their visibility on campus, failed to translate that recognition into broad-based political power. Unlike national elections, which are shaped by party machinery, resources, and alliances, DUCSU races revolve around campus-based activism, student loyalties, and personality-driven campaigns.
This year’s DUCSU election, held on Tuesday after more than 18 years, marked a historic moment for student politics. Voting continued from 8:00am to 4:00pm across eight polling centres on campus. Similarly, the Rajshahi University Central Students’ Union (RUCSU) will hold its election on 15 September, also after a prolonged hiatus. These central students’ union elections are widely regarded as landmark events in student politics and a barometer of democratic practice within two of Bangladesh’s premier universities.
While the electoral outcome may not alter the next national election, the symbolic and practical value of DUCSU remains significant. Leaders such as Tofail Ahmed, Rashed Khan Menon, Mahmudur Rahman Manna and Nurul Haq Nur used the DUCSU platform to gain national recognition, even if their paths diverged later.
Student leaders gain personal visibility, but union victories rarely translate into broader electoral impact. National politics in Bangladesh remains dominated by the Awami League and BNP, where entrenched party machinery and patronage systems determine outcomes, leaving student politics as a grooming ground rather than a decisive force.
DUCSU provides visibility, networks, and political grooming—tools that propel individuals into national discourse, even if they do not directly shift parliamentary dynamics. In this sense, the student election serves less as a predictor of national results than as a mirror of political currents among youth, where future politicians test strategies and alliances before entering the broader arena of national politics.
History reinforces this perspective. Many RUCSU leaders have also progressed to national politics, yet the translation of campus victories into parliamentary success has often proved limited. Fazleh Hossain Badsha, a former RUCSU Vice President, rose to prominence within the Bangladesh Workers Party, but the party has never secured a credible parliamentary seat.
Student leaders gain personal visibility, but union victories rarely translate into broader electoral impact. National politics in Bangladesh remains dominated by the Awami League and BNP, where entrenched party machinery and patronage systems determine outcomes, leaving student politics as a grooming ground rather than a decisive force.
Historically, student politics in Bangladesh has played a pivotal role during moments of national crisis, from opposing authoritarian rule in the 1980s to leading social movements on campus. Yet in normal times, student union elections largely reflect established party structures rather than reshaping them.
The dominance of party-affiliated wings, particularly the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), often reduces campuses to extensions of national party rivalry. Similar patterns are visible in India, where student organisations such as the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) serve as grooming grounds rather than decisive electoral actors.
Experts stress that student politics’ true influence lies not in determining election results but in cultivating leadership, energising youth participation, and sustaining dissent as a cornerstone of democracy. Home Adviser Lieutenant General (Retd.) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury described the DUCSU election as a model for the national poll, noting the spontaneous participation of voters. Law Adviser and academic Dr Asif Nazrul echoed this view, calling the event a significant stride toward democratic revival in Bangladesh.
Taken together, while DUCSU and RUCSU elections may not directly alter national outcomes, they remain vital incubators of leadership, political activism, and democratic engagement—shaping the future of Bangladesh’s political culture one campus at a time.
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The current DUCSU election is making headlines. Reports indicate that leaders and activists of Islami Chhatra Shibir held victory processions after their candidates reportedly secured a substantial early lead.
Leaders and activists of the Islami Chhatra Shibir have held a victory procession amid news that their organisation's candidates are out to a massive early lead in the top positions of the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) elections. A procession set off from Teacher-Student Centre at 2:45am on Tuesday while another was also held in Shahbagh. As of 3am, the candidates backed by Jamaat-e-Islami’s student wing led their opponents by a massive margin in the polls.
Meanwhile, the Chhatra Dal vice president candidate, Abidul Islam Khan, rejected the results, alleging ballot manipulation. Such disputes underscore the intensity and high stakes of student politics, even if their direct impact on national politics remains limited. In a Facebook post at around 2:30am on Wednesday, Abidul wrote: “I predicted the pre-planned rigging of these results just after noon. Use whatever numbers you like. I reject this orchestrated farce.”
On Tuesday night, he had already raised allegations of voting fraud, claiming: “The boxes of ballots that were said to be empty were later found to be full during counting. The fraud in this election surpasses even [Shikeh] Hasina’s.” Political observers note that the controversies and ensuing blame game in the DUCSU polls mirror the broader dynamics and confrontational nature of the country’s national political landscape.
DUCSU vice-president candidate Umama Fatema has announced her boycott of the election, citing allegations of widespread fraud. In a Facebook post at 3:30am on Tuesday, she wrote: “Boycott! Boycott! I boycott the DUCSU. This is a completely shameless, rigged election.” Umama, a prominent leader of Students Against Discrimination during the July Uprising, added: “The DU administration has brought shame to the nation since 5 August. It is an administration nurtured by Shibir.”
The Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU) election has long been regarded as a political laboratory where the country’s future leaders first cut their teeth. Yet, history raises a pertinent question: does the result of this highly anticipated student poll genuinely influence Bangladesh’s national political landscape, or is its impact largely symbolic?
Past records suggest the connection between DUCSU victories and national electoral outcomes is, at best, tenuous. Mahmudur Rahman Manna, elected DUCSU Vice President in 1983, emerged as a prominent political figure but aligned with smaller platforms that never commanded significant sway in parliamentary elections.
Other former VPs, despite their visibility on campus, failed to translate that recognition into broad-based political power. Unlike national elections, which are shaped by party machinery, resources, and alliances, DUCSU races revolve around campus-based activism, student loyalties, and personality-driven campaigns.
This year’s DUCSU election, held on Tuesday after more than 18 years, marked a historic moment for student politics. Voting continued from 8:00am to 4:00pm across eight polling centres on campus. Similarly, the Rajshahi University Central Students’ Union (RUCSU) will hold its election on 15 September, also after a prolonged hiatus. These central students’ union elections are widely regarded as landmark events in student politics and a barometer of democratic practice within two of Bangladesh’s premier universities.
While the electoral outcome may not alter the next national election, the symbolic and practical value of DUCSU remains significant. Leaders such as Tofail Ahmed, Rashed Khan Menon, Mahmudur Rahman Manna and Nurul Haq Nur used the DUCSU platform to gain national recognition, even if their paths diverged later.
Student leaders gain personal visibility, but union victories rarely translate into broader electoral impact. National politics in Bangladesh remains dominated by the Awami League and BNP, where entrenched party machinery and patronage systems determine outcomes, leaving student politics as a grooming ground rather than a decisive force.
DUCSU provides visibility, networks, and political grooming—tools that propel individuals into national discourse, even if they do not directly shift parliamentary dynamics. In this sense, the student election serves less as a predictor of national results than as a mirror of political currents among youth, where future politicians test strategies and alliances before entering the broader arena of national politics.
History reinforces this perspective. Many RUCSU leaders have also progressed to national politics, yet the translation of campus victories into parliamentary success has often proved limited. Fazleh Hossain Badsha, a former RUCSU Vice President, rose to prominence within the Bangladesh Workers Party, but the party has never secured a credible parliamentary seat.
Student leaders gain personal visibility, but union victories rarely translate into broader electoral impact. National politics in Bangladesh remains dominated by the Awami League and BNP, where entrenched party machinery and patronage systems determine outcomes, leaving student politics as a grooming ground rather than a decisive force.
Historically, student politics in Bangladesh has played a pivotal role during moments of national crisis, from opposing authoritarian rule in the 1980s to leading social movements on campus. Yet in normal times, student union elections largely reflect established party structures rather than reshaping them.
The dominance of party-affiliated wings, particularly the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), often reduces campuses to extensions of national party rivalry. Similar patterns are visible in India, where student organisations such as the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) serve as grooming grounds rather than decisive electoral actors.
Experts stress that student politics’ true influence lies not in determining election results but in cultivating leadership, energising youth participation, and sustaining dissent as a cornerstone of democracy. Home Adviser Lieutenant General (Retd.) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury described the DUCSU election as a model for the national poll, noting the spontaneous participation of voters. Law Adviser and academic Dr Asif Nazrul echoed this view, calling the event a significant stride toward democratic revival in Bangladesh.
Taken together, while DUCSU and RUCSU elections may not directly alter national outcomes, they remain vital incubators of leadership, political activism, and democratic engagement—shaping the future of Bangladesh’s political culture one campus at a time.
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