Thursday, 18 September, 2025
Despite women’s prominent role in last year’s pro-democracy uprising, Bangladesh’s political transition is failing to deliver meaningful representation for half the population. As the country prepares for its next general election, proposals for even a minimal 5 percent direct quota for women candidates are facing fierce pushback — particularly from Islamist parties.
The final draft of the July Charter, drawn up by the National Consensus Commission, calls on political parties to nominate at least 5 percent female candidates for the 300 directly elected parliamentary seats. But Islamist groups — including Islami Andolan Bangladesh, Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis, and Nizam-e-Islami Party — have opposed even this token measure, despite women making up 51 percent of the population.
The original recommendation was far more ambitious: a 33 percent nomination quota, matching long-standing demands from women’s rights groups and earlier reform commissions. But during months of negotiations, the proposal was steadily watered down, reflecting the political weight of conservative parties and the reluctance of mainstream actors to expend capital on gender reforms.
Badiul Alam Majumdar, a member of both the Electoral Reform and Consensus Commissions, admitted frustration. “There’s not much more we can do,” he said after the talks closed in July — a candid sign that reformers have run up against entrenched political resistance.
Even among parties that support increased participation, consensus is fractured. Leftist groups such as CPB and BaSaD want all 100 reserved women’s seats to be filled through direct election rather than party nomination, while other parties have resisted any structural overhaul. Proposals such as rotating reserved constituencies were dismissed.
The current draft sets out a phased approach: 5 percent women candidates in the next election, 10 percent in the following one, and a gradual rise until the 33 percent target is reached — eventually to be enshrined in the Constitution. Islamist parties argue that mandatory quotas could “hinder women’s empowerment,” insisting that women should advance “on merit” within a proportional representation system — an argument critics say simply preserves male-dominated patronage politics.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), now the country’s main political party, has endorsed the 5 percent quota, claiming credit for the idea. “It came from us, not any other party,” said BNP leader Salahuddin Ahmed. But this endorsement has done little to sway Islamist resistance.
Women’s rights campaigners say the compromise is a betrayal of the spirit of the July Uprising, where women stood shoulder to shoulder with men to topple the Awami League government. “Women make up 51 percent of the population, yet we still don’t have fair political representation,” said Fauzia Moslem, president of Bangladesh Mahila Parishad. “Even 33 percent was the minimum demand — and we didn’t get that.”
Dhaka University sociologist Prof Samina Luthfa Nitra added: “Bangladeshi women are politically aware. They vote. There’s no justification for limiting their presence in parliament to token reserved seats.”
Analysts warn that the failure to deliver meaningful inclusion risks alienating a key constituency and undermining the legitimacy of the transitional reform process. For many activists, the episode underscores a recurring theme in Bangladesh’s political history: women’s leadership is celebrated in moments of crisis — only to be sidelined once the struggle is won.
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Despite women’s prominent role in last year’s pro-democracy uprising, Bangladesh’s political transition is failing to deliver meaningful representation for half the population. As the country prepares for its next general election, proposals for even a minimal 5 percent direct quota for women candidates are facing fierce pushback — particularly from Islamist parties.
The final draft of the July Charter, drawn up by the National Consensus Commission, calls on political parties to nominate at least 5 percent female candidates for the 300 directly elected parliamentary seats. But Islamist groups — including Islami Andolan Bangladesh, Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis, and Nizam-e-Islami Party — have opposed even this token measure, despite women making up 51 percent of the population.
The original recommendation was far more ambitious: a 33 percent nomination quota, matching long-standing demands from women’s rights groups and earlier reform commissions. But during months of negotiations, the proposal was steadily watered down, reflecting the political weight of conservative parties and the reluctance of mainstream actors to expend capital on gender reforms.
Badiul Alam Majumdar, a member of both the Electoral Reform and Consensus Commissions, admitted frustration. “There’s not much more we can do,” he said after the talks closed in July — a candid sign that reformers have run up against entrenched political resistance.
Even among parties that support increased participation, consensus is fractured. Leftist groups such as CPB and BaSaD want all 100 reserved women’s seats to be filled through direct election rather than party nomination, while other parties have resisted any structural overhaul. Proposals such as rotating reserved constituencies were dismissed.
The current draft sets out a phased approach: 5 percent women candidates in the next election, 10 percent in the following one, and a gradual rise until the 33 percent target is reached — eventually to be enshrined in the Constitution. Islamist parties argue that mandatory quotas could “hinder women’s empowerment,” insisting that women should advance “on merit” within a proportional representation system — an argument critics say simply preserves male-dominated patronage politics.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), now the country’s main political party, has endorsed the 5 percent quota, claiming credit for the idea. “It came from us, not any other party,” said BNP leader Salahuddin Ahmed. But this endorsement has done little to sway Islamist resistance.
Women’s rights campaigners say the compromise is a betrayal of the spirit of the July Uprising, where women stood shoulder to shoulder with men to topple the Awami League government. “Women make up 51 percent of the population, yet we still don’t have fair political representation,” said Fauzia Moslem, president of Bangladesh Mahila Parishad. “Even 33 percent was the minimum demand — and we didn’t get that.”
Dhaka University sociologist Prof Samina Luthfa Nitra added: “Bangladeshi women are politically aware. They vote. There’s no justification for limiting their presence in parliament to token reserved seats.”
Analysts warn that the failure to deliver meaningful inclusion risks alienating a key constituency and undermining the legitimacy of the transitional reform process. For many activists, the episode underscores a recurring theme in Bangladesh’s political history: women’s leadership is celebrated in moments of crisis — only to be sidelined once the struggle is won.
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