Tuesday, 26 August, 2025
With the Election Commission confirming polls before Ramadan and a detailed roadmap expected next week, media reports suggest Islamist parties are scrambling to unite ahead of the vote — a looming challenge for the BNP, Bangladesh’s largest and most popular political force.
Talks are already under way to draw moderate groups into the fold and mount a formidable challenge. Their goal: to forge a broad-based alliance capable of capturing a decisive share of parliamentary seats in February’s election, according to several newspaper reports.
This raises a pressing question: if Islamist parties can set aside their rivalries and strike a deal, will the BNP secure enough seats to form the next government? Equally critical is whether such unity is even realistic in Muslim-majority Bangladesh, given the long-standing schisms among Islamist factions over fatwa, sharia and doctrinal interpretations.
Sceptics dismiss the notion of a united Islamist bloc as wishful thinking. “Trying to unite all Islamic groups is like mixing oil and water — it simply cannot be done,” said a veteran left-wing politician. The stark divisions between Qawmi and Alia madrasa networks, Sufi-oriented groups attached to mazars and peers, and more rigid Islamist factions make consensus daunting.
Yet signs of coordination are emerging. Islamist parties are openly weighing an electoral pact to field single candidates in each constituency. The BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami and the newly formed National Citizens Party (NCP) are all wooing Islamic groups. While the BNP officially denies plans for pre-election alliances, several senior leaders have hinted at the possibility of contesting alongside like-minded religious forces.
The greatest uncertainty stems from Jamaat-e-Islami. Despite being the most organised Islamist party, its chequered past — from opposing independence in 1971 to its controversial role in the 1996 elections — makes it deeply divisive. Some groups are reluctant to align with Jamaat, while others see it as indispensable. Five Qawmi madrasa-based parties are already in talks with Jamaat and Islami Andolan Bangladesh (IAB), with BNP said to be quietly courting the same factions.
“Whatever the five parties decide, we will do collectively. If we ally with anyone, it will be as one bloc. No one will act alone,” declared Yunus Ahmad, Secretary General of Islami Andolan Bangladesh. Led by Charmonai Pir, IAB has become the second-largest religious political force after Jamaat. It has agreed to field single candidates and maintain unity regardless of electoral outcomes, rallying under the slogan: “bringing votes into one box.”
Hefazat-e-Islam, though formally non-political, has also entered the fray. Many of its senior clerics run political parties, and in recent months Hefazat leaders have held talks with both BNP and Jamaat. While they insist elections should follow reforms, they have hinted at joining a December poll if conditions are met. Their involvement strengthens calls for Islamist coordination.
Still, rifts persist. Some parties, including Bangladesh Khilafat Majlis, vow to keep equal distance from both BNP and Jamaat, insisting decisions will hinge on circumstances nearer polling day. Others accuse BNP of hypocrisy — courting Islamists for votes while deriding them as fundamentalists. “We will not be used any longer,” said one Islamic leader.
Analysts warn that forging a united front remains fraught. Jamaat’s founder, Abul A’la Maududi, is still a polarising figure for his rejection of secular nationalism and advocacy of a global Islamic state. The party’s collaboration with Pakistan in 1971 continues to alienate many. Sufi-oriented groups, in particular, view Jamaat as khareji — a sect undermining Islamic traditions such as reverence for peers and shrines.
BNP strategists, however, see an opening. They argue Jamaat will struggle to reconcile with many Islamic groups, leaving space for BNP to strengthen ties with rival factions. “We want to keep various Islamist parties close — even those outside our movement. That is why we maintain these talks,” a senior BNP leader confirmed. Winning support from anti-Jamaat factions, especially within the madrasa network, could bolster BNP’s prospects.
Education trends highlight this opportunity. Enrolment in government-controlled Alia madrasas has surged by more than 250,000 in recent years, while mainstream secondary schools have lost over a million students. Excluding Qawmi madrasa students, the real influence of religious institutions is even greater — a demographic shift BNP hopes to harness.
The ousted Awami League had also tried to capture this vote, spending billions of taka on mosques and madrasas. Its projects included Tk 7,885 crore to upgrade 1,800 madrasa buildings and funds for 560 model mosques. Yet widespread allegations of corruption in fund disbursement left many institutions alienated, fuelling anti-AL sentiment.
Against this backdrop, Islamist parties are manoeuvring not just against BNP but against one another. While most deny plans for a formal alliance, informal understandings are taking shape, with a more structured platform likely once the election schedule is announced. Common demands — such as proportional representation, curbs on the prime minister’s sweeping powers and reform of the presidential election system — provide shared ground.
The first tangible step came when Islami Andolan’s Syed Muhammad Rezaul Karim convened a liaison committee of five Islamic parties earlier this year. Jamaat has since joined informal talks. While no final pact has been reached, momentum for a united Islamist bloc is clearly building.
For BNP, the stakes could not be higher. Its uneasy partnership with Jamaat — once a close ally — is now strained, particularly over proportional representation. Jamaat joined BNP’s July rally marking the anniversary of the mass uprising, but Islami Andolan conspicuously stayed away, claiming it was never invited. Such rifts expose BNP’s difficulty in balancing ties with rival Islamist forces.
At present, BNP remains the strongest single opposition force, particularly with Awami League sidelined. Yet smaller parties fear being eclipsed if BNP regains power, prompting them to seek leverage through unity. Jamaat leaders say a formal Islamist alliance will only be declared once the election schedule is fixed and candidates selected.
What is clear is that Islamist groups sense a historic opportunity after the fall of Awami League. Their leaders speak with newfound confidence about shaping the country’s future. Whether they can overcome decades of rivalry and mistrust — and whether BNP can manage its fraught ties with Jamaat while courting other Islamist factions — will decide the contours of Bangladesh’s political landscape in February.
For now, the question lingers: can BNP hold its ground — or will an Islamist alliance, however fragile, tip the balance?
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With the Election Commission confirming polls before Ramadan and a detailed roadmap expected next week, media reports suggest Islamist parties are scrambling to unite ahead of the vote — a looming challenge for the BNP, Bangladesh’s largest and most popular political force.
Talks are already under way to draw moderate groups into the fold and mount a formidable challenge. Their goal: to forge a broad-based alliance capable of capturing a decisive share of parliamentary seats in February’s election, according to several newspaper reports.
This raises a pressing question: if Islamist parties can set aside their rivalries and strike a deal, will the BNP secure enough seats to form the next government? Equally critical is whether such unity is even realistic in Muslim-majority Bangladesh, given the long-standing schisms among Islamist factions over fatwa, sharia and doctrinal interpretations.
Sceptics dismiss the notion of a united Islamist bloc as wishful thinking. “Trying to unite all Islamic groups is like mixing oil and water — it simply cannot be done,” said a veteran left-wing politician. The stark divisions between Qawmi and Alia madrasa networks, Sufi-oriented groups attached to mazars and peers, and more rigid Islamist factions make consensus daunting.
Yet signs of coordination are emerging. Islamist parties are openly weighing an electoral pact to field single candidates in each constituency. The BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami and the newly formed National Citizens Party (NCP) are all wooing Islamic groups. While the BNP officially denies plans for pre-election alliances, several senior leaders have hinted at the possibility of contesting alongside like-minded religious forces.
The greatest uncertainty stems from Jamaat-e-Islami. Despite being the most organised Islamist party, its chequered past — from opposing independence in 1971 to its controversial role in the 1996 elections — makes it deeply divisive. Some groups are reluctant to align with Jamaat, while others see it as indispensable. Five Qawmi madrasa-based parties are already in talks with Jamaat and Islami Andolan Bangladesh (IAB), with BNP said to be quietly courting the same factions.
“Whatever the five parties decide, we will do collectively. If we ally with anyone, it will be as one bloc. No one will act alone,” declared Yunus Ahmad, Secretary General of Islami Andolan Bangladesh. Led by Charmonai Pir, IAB has become the second-largest religious political force after Jamaat. It has agreed to field single candidates and maintain unity regardless of electoral outcomes, rallying under the slogan: “bringing votes into one box.”
Hefazat-e-Islam, though formally non-political, has also entered the fray. Many of its senior clerics run political parties, and in recent months Hefazat leaders have held talks with both BNP and Jamaat. While they insist elections should follow reforms, they have hinted at joining a December poll if conditions are met. Their involvement strengthens calls for Islamist coordination.
Still, rifts persist. Some parties, including Bangladesh Khilafat Majlis, vow to keep equal distance from both BNP and Jamaat, insisting decisions will hinge on circumstances nearer polling day. Others accuse BNP of hypocrisy — courting Islamists for votes while deriding them as fundamentalists. “We will not be used any longer,” said one Islamic leader.
Analysts warn that forging a united front remains fraught. Jamaat’s founder, Abul A’la Maududi, is still a polarising figure for his rejection of secular nationalism and advocacy of a global Islamic state. The party’s collaboration with Pakistan in 1971 continues to alienate many. Sufi-oriented groups, in particular, view Jamaat as khareji — a sect undermining Islamic traditions such as reverence for peers and shrines.
BNP strategists, however, see an opening. They argue Jamaat will struggle to reconcile with many Islamic groups, leaving space for BNP to strengthen ties with rival factions. “We want to keep various Islamist parties close — even those outside our movement. That is why we maintain these talks,” a senior BNP leader confirmed. Winning support from anti-Jamaat factions, especially within the madrasa network, could bolster BNP’s prospects.
Education trends highlight this opportunity. Enrolment in government-controlled Alia madrasas has surged by more than 250,000 in recent years, while mainstream secondary schools have lost over a million students. Excluding Qawmi madrasa students, the real influence of religious institutions is even greater — a demographic shift BNP hopes to harness.
The ousted Awami League had also tried to capture this vote, spending billions of taka on mosques and madrasas. Its projects included Tk 7,885 crore to upgrade 1,800 madrasa buildings and funds for 560 model mosques. Yet widespread allegations of corruption in fund disbursement left many institutions alienated, fuelling anti-AL sentiment.
Against this backdrop, Islamist parties are manoeuvring not just against BNP but against one another. While most deny plans for a formal alliance, informal understandings are taking shape, with a more structured platform likely once the election schedule is announced. Common demands — such as proportional representation, curbs on the prime minister’s sweeping powers and reform of the presidential election system — provide shared ground.
The first tangible step came when Islami Andolan’s Syed Muhammad Rezaul Karim convened a liaison committee of five Islamic parties earlier this year. Jamaat has since joined informal talks. While no final pact has been reached, momentum for a united Islamist bloc is clearly building.
For BNP, the stakes could not be higher. Its uneasy partnership with Jamaat — once a close ally — is now strained, particularly over proportional representation. Jamaat joined BNP’s July rally marking the anniversary of the mass uprising, but Islami Andolan conspicuously stayed away, claiming it was never invited. Such rifts expose BNP’s difficulty in balancing ties with rival Islamist forces.
At present, BNP remains the strongest single opposition force, particularly with Awami League sidelined. Yet smaller parties fear being eclipsed if BNP regains power, prompting them to seek leverage through unity. Jamaat leaders say a formal Islamist alliance will only be declared once the election schedule is fixed and candidates selected.
What is clear is that Islamist groups sense a historic opportunity after the fall of Awami League. Their leaders speak with newfound confidence about shaping the country’s future. Whether they can overcome decades of rivalry and mistrust — and whether BNP can manage its fraught ties with Jamaat while courting other Islamist factions — will decide the contours of Bangladesh’s political landscape in February.
For now, the question lingers: can BNP hold its ground — or will an Islamist alliance, however fragile, tip the balance?
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